The Memphis Massacre

“During the evening, the wildest and most exaggerated reports soon spread throughout the city. Every communicator of the intelligence of the fight told a different story, and the highest excitement prevailed. Each rumor placed a worse aspect upon the affair than the preceding one, and only served to develop the pent-up prejudices against the negro. Soon after dark this excitement and prejudice found vent. Large numbers of armed citizens repaired to the scene of the fight and commenced firing upon every negro who made himself visible.” Harper’s Weekly, May 26, 1866.

Welcome to Civics and Coffee. My name is Alycia and I am a self-professed history nerd. Each week, I am going to chat about a topic on U.S history and give you both the highlights and occasionally break down some of the complexities in history; and share stories you may not remember learning in high school. All in the time it takes to enjoy a cup of coffee. 

INTRO MUSIC

Hey everyone. Welcome back.

Early in the Civil War, Union Soldiers successfully occupied the city of Memphis. As a result, the Tennessee metropolis became a place of refuge for escaped slaves and experienced a significant increase in the black population. In the spring of 1866, racial tensions exploded leading to a multiday race riot causing the death of almost fifty black Americans. The first large-scale racial massacre after the Civil War, the events in Memphis prompted Congress into action. It helped radical Republicans argue that further federal intervention was needed throughout the former Confederate South. 

So this week I am diving into the Memphis Massacre. What happened? Who was involved? And how did it spur Congress into action? 

Grab your cup of coffee, peeps. Let’s do this. 

Before I dive into the story of the Memphis Massacre, I want to preface the episode with a few disclaimers. First, some of the events of the massacre are quite upsetting and may not be suitable for younger audiences. Second, while most of the basic chain of events is known, historians and scholars differ on the exact cause of the riot. This is because the contemporary primary sources were less than reliable and papers printed as much rumor as they did fact, making it hard to tease out exactly what happened. I have pieced together the story as best as I can given the sources available, using the findings from the Freedmen’s Bureau report and the Congressional investigation report to flesh out as much as possible exactly what happened. So with that, let’s begin. 

As I mentioned in my opener, the city of Memphis, Tennessee was an early victory for the Union, who successfully occupied the area since 1862. This led to a significant jump in the Black population, growing from 4,000 to 16,000 residents. The city was also home to several Irish immigrants who, during the war, successfully landed positions within the local city government, including many who worked as firemen and police officers. However, many Irish residents' main source of income was manual labor. As this was pretty much the only position available to Black men, the massive influx of Black residents created economic pressures and increased underlying hostilities between the two groups. 

Black men, many of whom were former Union soldiers and felt they deserved to be recognized as full citizens, did not appreciate being policed by Irish immigrants and the Irish held their own biases against their black neighbors. War service for Black men instilled in them a sense of honor and respectability that their white neighbors did not agree with. In their eyes, Black men and women needed to act respectfully and be grateful to those who allowed them to be free. This tension created a highly volatile situation within the city. This was exacerbated further when an influx of Irish immigrants into the town put even more pressure on Memphis’ housing and job markets. 

On April 30th, 1866, several police officers got into what has been described as a street fight with a trio of black men when the officers forced the group off of a sidewalk. During the exchange, one of the offices tripped, prompting the other officers to draw their guns and attack the group, beating them with their pistols. The two groups eventually dispersed, but the match had been struck. The following day, a group of Black soldiers gathered on South Street, where they reportedly engaged in drinking and celebration. Many were recently mustered out of the Union Army, receiving their payments at the local Fort Pickering. Their celebration attracted the attention of the police, who arrested two men. This caused yet another confrontation as the crowd tried to prevent the arrests. The two groups collided and another street fight broke out and police began firing into the crowd, shooting at and killing men, women, and children. 

City recorder John C. Creighton arrived on the scene and gave a speech where he urged white residents to kill every black person they could find and to drive them out of the city. Creighton said quote: “boys, I want you to go ahead and kill every damned one of the n-r race and burn up the cradle,” end quote. This, in essence, gave white Memphians authorization to attack their black neighbors and created a mob mentality focused on exacting revenge against individuals who white Southerners saw as a threat. In the Congressional report about the riot, investigators wrote quote: “during this night the negroes were hunted down by police, firemen, and other white citizens; shot, assaulted, robbed, and in many instances their houses searched under the pretense of hunting for concealed arms,” end quote. 

While not constant, the violence continued into the next day. Again from the Congressional report, quote: “about 11 o’clock am, a posse of police and citizens again appeared in south Memphis and commenced an indiscriminate attack upon the negroes. They were shot down without mercy, women suffered alike with men, and in several instances little children were killed by these miscreants,” end quote. 

One of those children was a 14-year-old girl named Rachel who was shot in the head as she was trying to help her neighbors flee their burning home. Rachel had been going to school, working toward becoming a teacher, and had already begun teaching small children. Other women and children also fell victim to the lawless mob, who shot them while they were in their beds. Yet another victim, Lucy Tibbs, was sexually assaulted, despite being visibly pregnant, and robbed. No one was safe from the violence perpetrated and cops were described as being some of the worst actors as they helped protect the mob, not Black Memphians, and committed heinous acts, including murder.  

In a report of the incident printed in Harper’s Weekly, police quote “seemed to make it their special business to shoot every negro they could see, no matter where he was or what he was doing. The result was that by 9 o’clock the colored population were in-doors trembling with wild alarm,” end quote. Staying out of sight did not guarantee protection. Rioters were not satisfied with causing harm to the residents they saw walking the streets; they wanted to attack their spaces as well. 50 homes were burned to the ground during the riot, as were 3 black churches and 8 black schools, 5 of which were property of the United States government. These places also held significance for the black community. Not only were they places of learning and worship, but schools and churches frequently doubled as places for political organizing. Destroying these places sought to erode Black political identities and truncate their capabilities.  

From May 1st to the 4th, Memphis was a city held hostage by a lawless mob. Government figures appeared unwilling or unable to end the violence and even the city mayor failed to act as he was drunk when the riot began, precluding him from fulfilling his duties. The only member of local government who tried to stem the violence was the city Sheriff, but his efforts were largely in vain once the City Recorder gave his inflammatory speech. Black residents did not fight back nor engage in any violence, fleeing instead to the protection provided by the local Fort Pickering. 

At the end of the riot, 48 people were dead, 46 of whom were Black residents. The two white deaths were not at the hands of their neighbors, but instead the result of self-inflicted accidents. Thousands of dollars had been robbed from Black residents, and property damage was estimated at almost $100,000 which equates to just under two million in 2024. All of the losses reported - the churches, the homes, the schools - were from black residents. Not a single white resident lost their home or fell victim to sexual assault. And despite knowing who was responsible for some of the crimes, no arrests were made. 

In the immediate aftermath of the riot, Freedmen’s Bureau Commissioner Oliver O. Howard ordered an investigation into exactly what happened and to identify the cause of the unrest. The report, written by Col. Charles F. Johnson and Major T.W. Gilbreth concluded that there was a quote “general feeling of hostility” end quote throughout the city. As a result, Memphis was primed and ready for riot at the slightest provocation. 

The Bureau’s summary of events highlighted that quote: “although many of perpetrators are known, no arrests have been made, nor is there now any indication on the part of the Civil Authorities that any are meditated by them,” end quote. The bureau pointed to the speech from the city recorder as having a significant influence on city residents, writing that they quote “seemed to act as though vested will full authority to kill, burn, and plunder at will,” end quote. The Freedmen’s Bureau report was simple and sought only to seek the cause of the rest. It did not offer policy or legislative solutions for the pervasive tension in the city, leaving that up to the federal government. 

The incredible display of violence - and the inability or unwillingness of local government officials to stop it as outlined by the Freedmen’s Bureau report - also prompted Congress to act. Building on the work of the bureau agents, the legislative body appointed a delegation charged with investigating the riot to determine the cause. Led by Illinois Representative Elihu B. Washburne investigators interviewed 170 witnesses and survivors, recording their accounts of exactly what happened. 

Published in July 1866, the congressional report reclassified the violence in the city from riot to massacre - sharing details of the vitriol which some committee members were unprepared for. One of the issues of the massacre cited in the investigation was the role of the local press. In the committee’s estimation, local news was culpable for at least some of the violence, as they argued quote: “most of the newspapers in the city had grossly misrepresented nearly everything connected with it, while great efforts had been made by the citizens to belittle it into a simple row between some discharged negro soldiers and the Irish police,” end quote. 

Papers such as the Memphis Avalanche, Memphis Argus, and the Memphis Daily Appeal were sympathetic to the Confederate cause and supported the idea of a white man's government. Described by one Freedmen’s Bureau agent as “incendiary” in their reporting, several articles leading up to the riot fanned the flames of hostility. This includes articles claiming that Congress was quote “willfully and confessedly trampling upon the constitution and the rights of the states in their efforts to enslave the south, to degrade white people, and elevate the negroes to a position of political and social superiority,” end quote. 

These periodicals also targeted teachers and ministers, arguing that Black people were incapable of being civilized and therefore should not be educated. Some even went so far as to publish the names of Radical Republicans and their known associates and demanded their readers boycott their business. In his analysis of the role of the press in the massacre, historian Marius Carriere observed quote: “the constant publication in March and April 1866 of the meanest and most hateful stereotypes of African Americans could do nothing but excite the feelings of white Memphians,” end quote. 

Situations did not improve during the riot when several papers published stories blaming Black Americans for the riot and celebrating the riot as a moment to teach black people their place in Memphis society. One paper even published a story claiming they had it on good authority that former Black Union soldiers had long been planning an attack on city residents and law enforcement as soon as they completed their service. Of course, this was completely false and without a shred of evidence. 

The Congressional investigation helped demonstrate just how precarious the situation was for black Americans living in the Confederate South. It helped lend credibility to their claims that southern states needed more, not less, federal intervention and that President Andrew Johnson’s approach to reconstruction had not provided sufficient protection for newly emancipated men, women, and children. The massacre in Memphis was just one of several riots that exploded throughout the South, including one in New Orleans just three months later. It is significant in that it brought to light the real dangers facing Black Americans. It helped propel the passage of the 14th Amendment and the requirement of former Confederate states to ratify the amendment before rejoining the Union. 

The Memphis Massacre was not just an explosion of violence; it was the brutal culmination of years of racial tension and political upheaval. It revealed the deep fault lines in the post-Civil War South—where the promise of freedom for Black Americans collided head-on with the unwillingness of many to accept them as equals. But the massacre was also a turning point. It helped galvanize the federal government to take more decisive action, leading to vital reforms that reshaped the trajectory of Reconstruction. 

Thanks peeps. I’ll see you next week.

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