Andrew Johnson: Part One

Welcome to Civics and Coffee. My name is Alycia and I am a self-professed history nerd. Each week, I am going to chat about a topic on U.S history and give you both the highlights and occasionally break down some of the complexities in history; and share stories you may not remember learning in high school. All in the time it takes to enjoy a cup of coffee. 

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Hey everyone, welcome back. 

During his lifetime, some referred to Andrew Johnson as the courageous commoner. In reviewing his life’s trajectory, it is easy to see why some felt the title was warranted. A man who was born in a log cabin to poor, illiterate parents, Andrew Johnson’s life defied expectations. Not learning how to read and write until young adulthood, Johnson - much like his predecessor - did not fit the typical mold and was significantly influenced by his youth. However, unlike Lincoln, Johnson never seemed to come to terms with the tribulations of his adolescence and the scorn he carried with him significantly impacted his leadership style once he reached the pinnacle of politics. 

Andrew Johnson was a complicated man who, while overcoming tremendous challenges to reach the presidency, lacked experience in dealing with the complex political and social dynamics of Reconstruction. A man with deep-seated racist beliefs who ultimately aligned with Southern interests, Johnson was perhaps more ill-suited than most to successfully deal with the fractured nation he inherited. Andrew Johnson and his policies have come up before as I’ve explored various aspects of Reconstruction, but as is tradition on this show, I think one of the best ways to understand an administration is to understand the person. And like so many presidents I’ve covered before, his story requires multiple episodes to give it true justice.  

So this week I am starting part one of the life of Andrew Johnson. Who was he? How did his youth impact his approach later in life? 

Grab your cup of coffee, peeps. Let’s do this. 

Andrew Johnson was born in Raleigh, North Carolina on December 29, 1809 to Jacob and Mary Johnson. Andrew joined older siblings brother William and sister Elizabeth as the family of five struggled to make ends meet. The Johnsons did not own any land and Jacob worked odd jobs until becoming a porter in the state bank of North Carolina. Johnson’s mother, who was known as Polly, also worked outside of the home as a laundress for John Haywood, a local lawyer. The Johnson family existed outside of what most felt was the ideal family model as both Johnsons worked outside of the home. They were not even established enough to own a small piece of land where they could at least partially support themselves. They had no crops they could yield, not animals they could use for transportation or meat, meaning they were wholly dependent on the outside world to provide for their family. 

The precarious Johnson family situation was only exacerbated further when the patriarch of the family died of a likely heart attack shortly after rescuing several men from a capsized boat, The Star. Facing extreme poverty, Polly had no choice but to contract out her son’s labor via an apprenticeship. Both Andrew and William were assigned to a local tailor, James Selby, until their 21st birthdays. There was debate over the efficacy of long term apprentice programs at the time, with several people arguing against what they felt were excessive contracts. Neither brother was built for long term indenture and Andrew quickly gained a reputation for being a troublemaker. He formed a childhood gang, the Jesse Johnson Boys, who engaged in mostly harmless mischievous behavior. 

However, the boys apparently took things a little far when they decided to throw objects at a local woman’s house, who threatened to sue. Instead of trying to come to an agreement to deal with the repairs, the Johnson brothers decided to run away. James Selby, wanting to maximize his contracted labor, put an ad in the local newspaper calling for the Johnson boys return. In an advertisement that mirrored the language used for runaway slaves, Selby offered a $10 reward for the return of Andrew or his brother. Johnson first landed in Carthage, North Carolina before moving to Laurens, South Carolina out of fear of capture. In Laurens, Johnson secured work as a tailor - after only four years of training, lending further credence to the argument that excessive apprentice programs were not useful. 

Johnson enjoyed success in Laurens, making a name for himself as an expert tailor. It was in Laurens where Johnson met and attempted to court 17 year old Mary Wood. In a demonstration of his feelings, Johnson made wood a quilt and proposed marriage. Although Johnson was self-sufficient with his trade, becoming a tailor’s wife was not exactly a guarantee for prosperity. Marriage during the nineteenth century was still very much an economic partnership and it is likely that Wood’s mother felt that a marriage to Johnson would not provide the level of comfort she wished for her daughter. Johnson left town shortly after his proposal was rejected, an early sign showing just how fragile his ego was. 

Upon returning to Raleigh, Johnson tried and failed to secure employment due to his existing indenture with James Selby. Despite the fact that Selby no longer lived in Raleigh, neighbors were unwilling to violate any rules surrounding the indenture. Likely frustrated and wanting a fresh start, Johnson attempted to make things right with Selby, offering to buy out his contract. Selby agreed, but only if Johnson could pay the amount in full in a lump sum. Johnson did not have the necessary savings and again left town, this time to the state that would launch his political career, Tennessee. 

It took some time before Johnson finally settled in, which he did after helping his mother and step father relocate to Greeneville. Johnson continued his trade as a tailor, while the family rented rooms at the back of a tavern. While living in Greeneville, Johnson met future wife Eliza McCardle. Family legend is that upon meeting Andrew, Eliza remarked there goes the man I am going to marry. Whatever the truth of their courtship, the couple married on May 17, 1827 in Eliza’s hometown of Warrensburg, Tennessee. The man officiating the wedding? Mordecai Lincoln, cousin to presidential father Thomas Lincoln. 

Despite their nearly five decade marriage and five children, the couple rarely lived as husband and wife and had different temperaments. Eliza suffered from poor health thanks to a bout of tuberculosis and stayed close to home and was described as shy and retiring, while Andrew traveled extensively to build his budding political career and was known for being quite chatty. Their partnership seemed to work as Eliza was pregnant four times between 1828 and 1834. Eliza is also credited with helping her husband learn the basics of the written word, a skill he never fully mastered, but one that was nevertheless key to his success as a politician. Johnson continued to enjoyed success operating as a tailor and it was his wife’s smart investments that helped the family prosper and made it so Johnson could not only hire staff of his own but also expand the business.  

With family and business secured, Johnson moved into developing his political career, and by 1834 had already served as Greeneville’s alderman and mayor. Identifying as a Jacksonian Democrat, Johnson was known for his common-man, no frills communication style. Johnson enjoyed the life of a politician and giving speeches, and was considered a master at the stump speech where he impressed individuals from a wide variety of backgrounds. His broad appeal helped propel him to the Tennessee state legislature in 1834 and 1838 before winning a seat to the state senate in 1841. Johnson got a taste of national politics when he won a seat in the United States House of Representatives in 1842 where he served five terms before losing his seat after the census led to redistricting. 

Not quite satisfied with returning to the life of a tailor, Johnson next won the Governor’s race in 1853 and served as the state’ chief until he was elected to the Senate. Johnson tended to align with the pro-slavery and state’s rights part of the Democratic party and supported the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Compromise of 1850. His political career, according to historian Eric Foner, was quote “remarkably devoid of substantive accomplishments,” end quote. Although Johnson worked hard to ensure the Homestead Act successfully passed in Congress, he was not alone in the efforts and did not champion or introduce much legislation. What he was known for, and something he touted as a strength, was being stubborn. This may have helped him break into national politics, but it would be something that hindered his ability to govern once he was president. In her biography of Johnson’s life, historian Annettee Gordon Reed argues this stubbornness and refusal to consider new ideas emanated from Johnson’s deep seated insecurities, quote: “if others could make the judgment that he had made a mistake, or if he admitted to it, they might go even further and say, or think that the onetime homeless tailor’s apprentice, who never went to school a day in his life and pretty much taught himself to read and learned to write with his wife’s help, did not deserve to be among the elites who more typically held elected office and wielded power,” end quote. 

But, as Reed highlights, Johnson’s stubborn streak had its good side. Johnson was in the middle of his first term as Senator when Civil War broke out in 1861 and he broke with his fellow southern senators when he refused to resign his seat and join the Confederacy. His decision to remain was not because of some ethical commitment to black freedom. As I’ve covered on this show in prior episodes, Johnson was no fan of Black Americans and held racist views. But for Johnson, slavery was not worth breaking the union. Whatever his internal motivation, Johnson’s decision to remain loyal to the union was dangerous. He was seen as a traitor to his southern neighbors. His family was harassed to the point of fleeing the state and his property was confiscated. Despite this, or perhaps because of this, Johnson remained committed to his decision to remain on the Union side. 

President Abraham Lincoln saw and appreciated the risks Johnson faced in deciding to stay in the Senate. As a reward, Lincoln appointed Johnson as the military governor of Tennessee in 1862. When President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, he excluded Tennessee from its provisions, as the state had already come under Union control. Johnson played a key role in advising Lincoln and advocating for the state's exclusion. While the Proclamation applied to Confederate-held territories, Johnson's influence helped ensure that Tennessee, as a Union-held state, was not subject to its immediate effects. This decision reflected the unique status of Tennessee, which had been largely restored to the Union by the time of the Proclamation.

Johnson, who owned several slaves including a woman named Dolly and her younger half-brother Sam, eventually saw the emancipation as a smart war measure that could undercut the Confederacy and starve them of much needed resources. In another act of political maneuvering, Johnson freed the individuals he enslaved in August of 1863 and called for statewide emancipation in 1864. 

In a speech delivered on October 24th, 1864, Johnson announced his own proclamation of freedom for enslaved people in Tennessee. He took full political advantage of the moment, referencing President Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation and presenting his own declaration in a dramatic fashion. Standing on the steps of the state Capitol, Johnson proclaimed quote: “The task-master's scourge was not yet broken, and the fetters still galled your limbs. Gradually this iniquity has been passing away, but the hour has come when the last vestiges of it must be removed. Consequently, I, too, without reference to the President or any other person, have a proclamation to make; and, standing here upon the steps of the Capitol, with the past history of the State to witness, the present condition to guide, and its future to encourage me, I, Andrew Johnson, do hereby proclaim freedom to every man in Tennessee!” end quote. However, Johnson’s proclamation was more about political maneuvering than a moral commitment to abolition. Johnson’s statement was primarily aimed at asserting his own leadership and solidifying his position as the Union’s representative in the South. 

So it may come as no surprise that, despite being a Southern Democrat, Johnson, who outwardly supported the Union and had freed enslaved individuals in Tennessee, was selected to join Lincoln on the 1864 re-election ticket. Lincoln was concerned about the war's outcome and the divided state of the nation. In an effort to create a true unity ticket—one that would appeal to both the Unionist Northern states and the Southern Unionists—he selected Johnson as his running mate.

Johnson’s selection was a calculated political move, aimed at garnering support in the South and among war Democrats who remained loyal to the Union. In this sense, Johnson's inclusion on the ticket was more about strategy than any deep ideological alignment with Lincoln. Johnson had been an outspoken advocate for the Union during the Civil War, but his views on Reconstruction, the rights of freedpeople, and the nature of Southern reintegration were far from aligned with Lincoln's vision. Despite their differences, Lincoln saw Johnson's stubborn loyalty to the Union as a critical asset in rebuilding the nation after the war.

However, hindsight suggests that Lincoln may have overlooked important ideological differences when choosing his running mate. Given the intense polarization in the country and Johnson’s clear divergence from Lincoln’s broader policies, particularly on racial equality, his selection proved to be more problematic in the long term. This decision would ultimately play a significant role in how Johnson governed after Lincoln’s assassination, and it’s often cited as one of the major missteps in Lincoln’s otherwise well-considered political strategy.

As Johnson was entering the national stage, rumors about his parentage ran rampant, with whispers suggesting he was the product of an affair between his mother Polly, and the man she worked for, John Haywood. Gossipers pointed to Johnson’s similar appearance to Haywood as supposed evidence of their claims. While there is no historical evidence to support these rumores, they gained traction for several reasons. One reason is that Johnson’s mother worked outside of the home, putting her in a vulnerable position, particularly in relation to her employer. This parallel has often been drawn to the exploitation of Black women who were similarly at risk of sexual victimization. As historian Annette Gordon Reed notes, Polly’s virtue became an easy target in a society where a woman’s reputation was a central part of her value. 

In addition, some of the gossip surrounding Johnson likely stemmed from contemporaries’ refusal to believe that a man born to poor, illiterate parents in a log cabin could rise to such prominence. Reed suggests that some of these rumors were a way for people to explain Johnson’s remarkable ascent to political power, with the assumption that only a connection to a more prominent figure like Haywood could explain his success. However, there is little historical evidence to validate these rumors, and they are largely dismissed by historians as little more than political gossip, designed to undermine Johnson’s credibility. 

As I mentioned during my episode on presidential Reconstruction, many in and out of Congress granted Johnson the benefit of a doubt during his first few months in office, hoping he would continue Lincoln’s legacy by reuniting the fractured country and healing old wounds. However, not everyone was convinced Johnson was the right man for the job. Shortly after meeting Johnson, abolitionist Frederick Douglass remarked quote, “whatever Andrew Johnson may be, he is no friend of our race,” end quote. Douglass’s assessment proved accurate as Johnson, who failed to push for Black civil rights and was far too lenient in his approach to Southern states rights, bungled Reconstruction and angered the Republican dominated Congress. In all fairness to Johnson, I do not think there is anyone who would have lived up to the mantle bestowed upon Lincoln. Whoever succeeded Lincoln was bound to fall short and it reminded me a little of John Adams and George Washington. But, where John Adams was an incredibly capable and dedicated public servant, Johnson was… not. 

In her comparison of Lincoln and Johnson, Reed observed quote: “whereas Lincoln’s struggle and experiences made him stronger in important ways… Johnson’s struggle wounded him,” end quote. He entered into the office with a chip on his shoulder and something to prove, saying nothing of his racist attitudes toward Black Americans. In his analysis of Johnson’s work on Reconstruction, historian Eric Foner argues that for Andew Johnson, the Civil War was more about class warfare than slavery. His reasons for being against the slavocracy was more about the unfair economic advantage than any moral disagreements with the institution. 

And here, dear friends, is where I will pause on the story of Andrew Johnson. Be sure to tune in next week to hear the concluding chapter for our 17th president where I will touch on his presidency outside of Reconstruction and his post-presidential life. 

Before I sign off, I wanted to remind all of you out there about how you can get more Civics and Coffee in your life. I recently launched a monthly newsletter on Substack where I share stories about American history and share what books I’ve been noodling through. I am really enjoying creating these monthly blurbs and if you are so inclined, I would love to add you to my list. I also launched a Patreon a few months ago where you can get bonus content by becoming a member. Each month special subscribers get access to a lighter, funnier version of Civics & Coffee I call Civics & Cocktails. Each episode I sit with a friend or two and chat about a historical topic over a cocktail of their choosing. You can find out about the Patreon and the Newsletter by visiting the website at www dot civics and coffee dot com. 

Thanks, peeps. I’ll see you next week.

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